Self-Immolations Continue in Tunisia

[An ambulance takes Adel Khadri to the hospital following his self-immolation. Image taken from screenshot of video uploaded by Al Qarra TV on YouTube.] [An ambulance takes Adel Khadri to the hospital following his self-immolation. Image taken from screenshot of video uploaded by Al Qarra TV on YouTube.]

Self-Immolations Continue in Tunisia

By : Afef Abrougui

On 12 March, Adel Khadri, a twenty-seven year old cigarette street vendor, set himself on fire on Tunis’ main street, Habib Bourguiba Avenue. According to eyewitnesses, Khadri shouted: “This is a young man who sells cigarettes because of unemployment,” before setting himself on fire. Khadri passed away early this morning at Ben Arous’ Burns Hospital.

Collective blog Nawaat reports [fr]:

Le jeune vendeur à la sauvette qui, désespéré par ses conditions de vie, s’était immolé, est décédé mercredi à l’aube, dernière illustration en date des tensions sociales en Tunisie auxquelles le nouveau gouvernement devra faire face une fois investi. “Il est mort aujourd’hui à 5 h 30 du matin des suites de ses graves brûlures“, a dit Imed Touibi, le directeur du Centre des grands brûlés de Ben Arous (banlieue de Tunis) où le jeune homme de 27 ans, Adel Khadri, était hospitalisé.

Anguished by his living conditions, the young street vendor who set himself on fire passed away at dawn on Wednesday. This is the last illustration of the social tensions in Tunisia, which the new government, once in place, should deal with. “He died today at 5.30am from severe burns,” said Imed Touibi director of the Centre of Severe Burns in Ben Arous (a Tunis suburb), where the young twenty-seven year-old man was hospitalized.

Quoting the privately-owned radio Mosaique FM, the author of the blog Massir Destin reports on the number of self-immolations in Tunisia:

Oh mon Dieu!!!
Le nombre d`immolations par le feu en Tunisie:
2 en 2010
91 en 2011
63 en 2012
11 en 2013
Source Mosaïque fm. Mais on n`a pas précisé le nombre de décès.

Oh my God!!! The number of self-immolations in Tunisia:
2 in 2010
91 in 2011
63 in 2012
11 in 2013
Source: Mosaique FM. But they have not reported on the number of deaths.

\"\"
[Bystanders attempt to save Adel Khadri after he set himself on fire. Image taken from screenshot of video uploaded by Al Qarra TV.]

On 17 December 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, a fruit street vendor from Sidi Bouzid, set himself on fire when police confiscated his wares. His desperate act ignited social justice and pro-democracy protests in Sidi Bouzid and eventually the entire country, forcing autocratic ruler Zine el Abidin Ben Ali to flee to Saudi Arabia eighteen days later. However, twenty four months after the ouster of Ben Ali, Tunisia is still going through intense socioeconomic difficulties, further intensified by a political crisis deepened by the assassinationof opposition leader Chokri Belaid on 6 February. High prices, a 16.7 percent unemployment rate, and disparities between regions are all making the lives of Tunisians, especially underprivileged groups, harder. Khadri, was not only suffering financial destitution, but, according to his brother, had stomach problems but did not have enough money to get treatment.

Benoît Delmas, a Tunis-based journalist writes [fr]:

Adel Khadri est-il mort pour rien? La question semble indécente mais elle est suscitée par le silence politique qui a entouré l’annonce de cette immolation. Laquelle renvoie inévitablement au point de départ de la révolution tunisienne lorsque Mohamed Bouazizi, un vendeur à la sauvette de fruits et légumes, s’aspergea d’essence et s’immola à Sidi Bouzid, le 17 décembre 2010. Avant et après Bouazizi, d’autres cas similaires furent notés. La mort, au petit matin, d’Adel Khadri devrait interpeller toute la société tunisienne. Un pays qui n’offre aucun espoir à sa jeunesse est un pays qui s’étiole, s’effondre. Il ne s’agit pas d’exiger des remèdes miracles mais de demander à la classe politique, majorité et opposition, de bien vouloir travailler pour le bien commun, l’intérêt national, le peuple. Les chicaneries politiciennes qui polluent toutes les vieilles démocraties ne sont pas d’une urgence absolue pour un pays qui vit librement depuis seulement deux ans et deux mois.

Did Adel Khadri die for nothing? The question seems indecent, but it is provoked by the silence of the political class surrounding the announcement of this self-immolation. This is inevitably a return to square zero for the Tunisian revolution, when Mohamed Bouaziz, a fruit and vegetable street vendor, sprinkled himself with gas and set himself alight on 17 December 2010. Prior to and after Bouazizi`s [self-immolation], similar cases were registered. The death of Adel Khadri at dawn should be a call for the entire Tunisian society. A country which offers no hope for its youth is a fading and collapsing country. It is not a question of asking for miraculous remedies, but rather calling upon the political class, both the majority and opposition, to work for the common good, the national interest, and the people. The political chicaneries that are tainting old democracies are not an urgency for a country that has been living in freedom for only two years and two months.

[This article was originally published on Global Voices.]

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412